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“Morality,
Mystery, Meaning, and Memory:
Decoding Audience Perceptions of Television and New Religiosity”
A
paper presented at the annual meeting of the Association for the
Sociology of Religion, San Francisco, California,
August
14, 2004.
Wendy
K. Martin
Department of Classics
and Religious Studies
University of Ottawa
70 Laurier Avenue
Ottawa, Ontario K1N 6N5
E-Mail: wendymartin@yahoo.com
As a student of religion, over the past decade I have been intrigued by
the persistent presence of television shows depicting religious, spiritual
and supernatural themes. The
past popularity of television programs such as The Oprah Winfrey Show,
Buffy the Vampire Slayer, The X-Files, and Joan of Arcadia, to name some
obvious players, all offer examples of how non-official and
non-institutional religion and spirituality are manifesting in television
media culture. In the field of religion and culture theories that postulate the
interpenetrating relationship between religion and television abound.
However as scholars of religion, of course we are bound to see religious
and spiritual themes in popular culture. We are trained to. Our eyes and
minds have been shaped in such ways that we will notice aspects of
religion, even if minute. Consequently, as a researcher, feeling bombarded
with religion and spirituality in popular television, the questions I
began to ask were not so much what do academics see and how do we
interpret and understand the phenomenon; but how do members of the broader
culture respond to it? Does anyone else see the religious images? If they
do, do they care? Are they meaningful? How do people relate to, interpret
and understand them? What impact do they have upon people’s lives, if
any?
The
data and theories presented in this paper have emerged from my ongoing
Ph.D. research into the ways in which television audiences interpret,
understand and develop religious and spiritual beliefs in relation to
their viewing habits. Based upon survey and interview data collected in
Ottawa, Canada, this paper examines the degree to which television
functions as a creator and carrier of religious themes. In particular, I
focus on the degree to which television functions as platform through
which viewers reflexively explore issues of morality, shape systems of
meaning, develop concepts of ‘religion’ and construct realms of
supernatural belief and disbelief. Building upon the theories of Danièle
Hervieu-Léger (2000), I postulate that television functions within the
realm of religious memory. In accordance with this preliminary data, I
suggest that television is becoming part of a new chain of memory which
both mergers with past traditions and beliefs, while at the same time
presents ‘new’ traditions.
The
majority of participants in this study fall into the category of spiritual
seekers or those whom define themselves as ‘spiritual, but not
religious.’ My research in
this area primarily took its cues from Reginald Bibby’s studies of the
changing religious landscape in Canada since 1975. In particular I focus upon Bibby’s discussions of “religion a
la carte” and religious fragmentation, wherein individuals increasingly
mix and match ideas, beliefs and practices in order to form personal
religions (Bibby 1987: 62-85). In
the Canadian context, these forms of personalized spirituality are often
rooted in Judeo-Christian traditions, but are supplemented by a wide
variety of beliefs, ranging from other world religions, folk traditions,
New Age ideas, as well as, from aspects of secular culture. Over the years, Bibby’s research has demonstrated
that actual rates of participation in organized religion has been
continuously declining from the 1960’s, until 2001, where the decline
seems to have leveled off (Bibby 2002). However, at the same time as Canadians seem to disenchanted with
institutional religion, Bibby argued that indicators of “latent
spirituality” and interest in religious themes remains quite high. Such indicators include high levels of belief in God (81%)and in
life after death(68%), prevalence of private prayer (74)%, and concern
with existential issues (70%) (Bibby 2002: 97,119, 140, 158). In fact in his latest book, Restless Gods: The Renaissance of
Religion in Canada (2002), Bibby
argues that Canada is on the verge of a spiritual renaissance due to the
broad level of interest and demand for “religious products” by
Canadians. According to Bibby,
religious and spiritual questions are at the forefront of the minds of
Canadians, citing the on-going “intrigue with mystery”, “the search
for meaning” and persistent “religious memory” as indicators of this
trend.
Using
Bibby’s “latent spiritual themes” as a starting point, I asked
research participants questions related to their interest in the
mysterious and unknown, their main sources of meaning and general
worldviews, their relationships with and concepts of religious traditions,
and added a fourth category of values and morals, as these themes repeated
crop up in discussions of personal religiosity. I then sought out whether or not there were correlations between
these categories and what people watched on television. In particular I asked viewers if they saw any relationship between
their television viewing preferences and their spiritual or religious
beliefs. Although, indeed my sample at this point is small (23 indepth
interviews to date), overwhelmingly the participants do see television as
playing a significant role in their beliefs and systems of meaning and
values. I would now like to
offer some representative examples from data I have collected
demonstrating how participants reflexively understand and use television
in relationship to the themes of mystery, meaning, morality and religious
memory. This involvement
ranges from using television programs to learn about and develop spiritual
beliefs; to using television as a teaching tool or springboard for
discussing religious ideas; and to drawing on television programs as a
means to reinforce particular beliefs and ideas.
Television
shows dealing with themes of the unknown and supernatural ranked high in
the viewing habits of interview participants. Angels, vampires, aliens, witches with supernatural powers, and God
in many guises have frequented as television characters in recent years. Not to mention the presence of ‘non-fiction’ shows
dealing with themes such as ghosts and haunted places, spirit/demon
possession, UFOs, psychic phenomena, near death experiences,
reincarnation, and alternative healing. I asked participants what the appealed to them about television
shows with supernatural content and depictions of alternative
spirituality, and if they saw any connection between such shows and their
beliefs and practices. In
accordance with Bibby’s theory, the interview data suggests that the
interest in such television programs among participants corresponds with
their desire to seek supernatural explanations. (2002: 28-29).
Participants
tended to mention four basic ways in which shows with supernatural content
are tied to their spiritual worldviews. First, participants cite the fact that such TV shows provide them
with the opportunity to explore alternative spirituality views. Most of the participants associate organized religion with strict
codes of belief and tradition, consequently they see them as somewhat
limiting. Participants opt
instead to explore spirituality – that is a variety of supernatural,
mystical and esoteric topics because they see it as a more open and fluid
concept. Television shows provide them with easy access to such ideas
from which they can pick and choose elements that resonate with their
lives and social context. For
example, Michelle, a frequent viewer of television shows depicting
paranormal and unexplained phenomena claims to do so because of her desire
to learn more about spirituality. She
states “on shows like the A&E specials, they give you the spiritual
stuff. And I’ll just eat it up like candy. I like them because I don’t
know about them. I want to learn more about them…. Shows related to the
supernatural stuff are a lot more interesting because it’s not just
attached to one religion. And the supernatural could always be there [with
or without religion]. It is so much bigger [than religion].”
Another
common trend is for participants to use elements of the supernatural as
depicted on television as way to respond to questions that science cannot
answer satisfactorily. Although all of the participants adhere to a scientific
worldview, most do not see science as providing adequate answers for
existential questions. The
majority of interview participants believe that there is more to the world
than empirical reality. The
supernaturally oriented TV shows appeal to them because they offer access
to enchanted universes and provide explanations for mysterious phenomena. This in turn engages with and even creates, their sense that there
are more forces at work in the world than just natural or scientific laws.
In a
slightly different manner, other viewers assert that the God images
offered on television are more accessible and plausible that the ones they
believe exist in institutionalized religions. As one respondent explains, TV shows such as “Joan of Arcadia,”
“Buffy the Vampire Slayer” and “”Six Feet Under” act as
reminders that God and other supernatural beings exist. She further explains that TV depictions of God, such as shown on
“Joan of Arcadia,” make God more believable and approachable. She explains that “In that show [Joan of Arcadia] God appeals to
me. It’s really interesting because God is different
every time. It could be anybody. I
think it ‘s appealing because it He makes Himself more accessible.” According to participants, while the God of organized religion is
distant and even unrealistic, the God of television is available,
immanent, and sometimes even referred to as cool.
Finally,
the other prominent theme raised by interview participants was the degree
to which shows with supernatural themes and content offered them an
opportunity to think about morality and immortality. As one participant, Andrew explained, part of the appeal of the
show “Six Feet Under” is that it depicts different forms of grieving
and responses to death, as well as, offers various images of life after
death. Similarly, a student
Nora, having recently experienced the death of a relative, claimed that
certain television storylines, particularly “Buffy the Vampire
Slayer”, gave her the opportunity to think about death, the meaning of
life and immortality, in order to help her work out which ideas make sense
to her. As Bibby has pointed
out, 70% of Canadian raise think about the meaning of death, and raise
questions about the afterlife; 68% believe in some form of life after
death (2002: 140; 158). For
these participants, religious institutions are not providing or confirming
such answers; rather television functions to present various ideas about
death and the afterlife, both traditional as well as alternative ideas,
providing them with options to think through and choose.
This
interest in God and the supernatural becomes further associated to
participants’ ideas concerning the meaning and purpose of life. Although question of meaning and purpose need not be religious or
spiritual, for all of the interview participants they are. Linking meaning and purpose to the belief in God and other
supernatural entities and to concepts of a grand plan, fate, and destiny,
interview participants clearly demonstrate that they meaning and purpose
that they seek falls into the realm of the substantively “religious.”
Frequently,
interviewees mention using television programs as a springboard for asking
ultimate questions. Justin, a
23 year old landscaper, explained that his spirituality is intricately
linked with a quest for meaning. Both
an avid television viewer and reader, Justin gravitates towards material
dealing with religions, spirituality and the supernatural. He admits that he may not find ultimate truth or meaning, rather he
suggest that the meaning is found in the process of asking the questions. When asked about the relationship between television and his
spirituality, Justin replied “TV is the guide to the possibility of
questions. It allows us to
ask questions…. then you can go somewhere else to find the answer. So
there is definitely a connection between my spirituality and
television.” Other
participants reiterated this idea, seeing television as means to ask and
answer various existential questions.
Aurora
Leigh, a recent university graduate, claimed that TV particularly in her
childhood and teenage years provided her with the opportunity to “ask
the big questions in life.” She
explained that as someone reared with little influence from organized
religion, she still raised what she terms “religious” questions. Television, she further explained responded to her need for
different possibilities and answers to the “what ifs and whys of the
world.” In fact as a former
fan of “Buffy the Vampire Slayer,” “Charmed” and “The
X-Files,” she claimed to have stopped watching these shows when they
began to focus more upon the personal lives of characters, rather than on
the supernatural topics and the quest for meaning and answers.
In a
slightly different vein, other participants saw associations between their
concepts of spirituality and fulfilling their life’s purpose or destiny. Kelly, a 35 year old psychologists, and Tanya a 39 year old social
worker, each believe that their work is related to their destiny,
therefore they see their jobs as part of their spirituality. Both women see these ideas as being supported and reinforced
through programs they watch on television. Kelly explains that popular spirituality authors such as Deepak
Chopra, Marianne Williamson, and Gary Zukav, all of whom she was
introduced to via “The Oprah Winfrey Show” has transformed the way in
which she thinks about the meaning of life. She explains these authors taught her that “life is about the
relationships you have with others, with God and the relationship you have
with yourself.” Kelly
believes that her role in life and in fact the whole meaning of her life
is to help others and make a positive change in their lives. She again cites Oprah Winfrey as a source of motivation for
reminding her of her life’s spiritual purpose and meaning.
“The
angel network that she brought up, that is another example of how just
one person can make a significant change in just one person’s life. If
you stop and think about it ‘what’s my gift?’ ‘How can I make
the world a better place?’ …. When you look at it, how they talk
about it on the Oprah show, you can figure out what you’re good at and
use it to help even just one person…. It is definitely
spiritual….So, I think that is something that I have learned from her,
to listen to that force within you to help make your life better and use
your life to help others.”
Such
shows for Kelly and other interview participants contribute to their
belief that each person has a special role to play, a destiny or specific
lessons to in life.
This
belief further propelled Kelly to connect her belief in God and life’s
purpose to her sense of morals and values. The category of morality, not identified by Bibby but raised
repeatedly in interviews, demonstrates the degree to which participants
identify morality as a key component of their spirituality. Participants, often drawing on the “golden rule” associated
morality with being “a good person,” “helping others,” “being
truthful and honest,” and “knowing right from wrong.” The ways in which they negotiate morality through televisions
programs varied amongst participants. Some reported choosing only
television programs that reflect a moral and value system similar to their
own. For example, Simon a
student studying to be a high school teacher, claimed to watch only TV
shows that depict the goodness in people and provide a sense of hope for
the future. He explained that
shows such as “Boston Public,” “The Oprah Winfrey Show” and the
many versions of “Star Trek” reflect how he wants to live his life and
provide his with a sense of what it fundamentally good and true.
While
others reported watching a variety of programs, including those with
characters or situations that see as morally ambiguous or corrupt, using
them as a way to “think through” moral and ethical questions. Jennifer, Michelle, Nora and Andrew, all report using crime dramas,
such as “Law & Order,” “CSI” and “The Practice,” as
platforms for negotiating concepts of morality. Nora explained that “I think shows like that show a lot of
morality. Different views on morality and again what would you do in
that situation? When it came down to doing the easy thing or the right
thing. I think shows like
that have a lot of depth to them. They have a lot of layers.” Nora’s statement is characteristic of many of the issues raised
by interview participants, claiming that even if they do not agree with
the concept of morality depicted in a given show, they use it as an
opportunity to reflect upon their own concepts of what constitutes moral
behavior.
Another
prominent theme, raised in interviews was the degree to which participants
mention using the content of TV shows to raise discussions about morality
and to use it as a teaching tool – this was particularly the case for
those raising children. Pierre,
a 52 year old electrical worker and father of two sons, and Tanya, the
social worker and mother of a daughter and son, both mentioned trying to
use the content of television programs as a way to reinforce morals and
values that have already tried to impart to their children. As an example Tanya recounted how, during her daughter’s teenage
years, she sought out various programs with “realistic” and
“unpreachy” storylines that dealt with teenagers practicing
abstinence. While Tanya did
not believe that such programs would prevent her daughter from becoming
sexually active, she did believe that alternative media images could help
to promote the same moral principles she had been teaching her daughter
all along.
Another
participant, Liz, a university student and a mother of two children, is
highly critical of television as a medium, as well as many of the messages
imparted through television shows, consequently she has always discussed
the content of television programs with her children. Liz and her children
often talk about many issues, including moral and ethical questions while
watching “Buffy the Vampire Slayer” and “The Simpsons”. Liz’s sense of morality is intricately woven with her concerns
for human rights, social justice and environmental responsibility. She sees such shows as concretely and metaphorically offering the
opportunity to discuss issues of injustice, discrimination, greed,
consumerism and unequal distribution of wealth and power. In such instances, participants reveal how television functions as
a disseminator of norms, values and morals – whether they are consistent
with the viewer’s or not. Such
data demonstrates how participants accept and develop morals codes based
upon their television viewing, but also use television programs as a way
to engage with, rethink and rework the narratives in light of their own
sense of morality.
The
appeal to mystery, meaning and morality is interesting in and of itself. But what has
truly captured my attention is the way in which my research data resonates
with Hervieu-Léger’s understanding
of religion as a chain of memory. In
her innovative work Religion as a Chain of Memory (2000), Danièle
Hervieu-Léger focuses the social dimensions of memory as a framework
through which to interpret and understand the present conditions of
religion. Offering a working
definition, Hervieu-Léger suggest that we recognize religion as “an
ideological, practical and symbolic system through which consciousness
both individual and collective, of belonging to a particular chain of
belief is constituted, maintained, developed and controlled” (Hervieu-Léger:
82). In essence she sees
religion as a specific mode of believing tied to tradition.
However,
collective memories are severely challenged in modern societies due to
their fragmented nature. The differentiation of social institutions and
roles, coupled with the impact of mass communication has lead to a
situation in which “the collective memory of modern society is composed
of bits and pieces” (129). The
loss of a cohesive collective memory gives rise to uncertainly and
instability as it undermines the ability to create a shared identity or
sense of society. In turn,
this creates new demands for memory. With the destabilizing of the authority of formal religious
institutions, modern societies are ripe for religious innovations emerging
as an “attempt to reinvent the chain” (143). Hervieu-Léger hypothesizes that these new and innovative forms
emerging “present themselves as an interlacing of shattered memories,
memories that have also been worked upon and invented constantly reshaped
in response to the demands of the present” (143).
One of
the things that struck me during the interview process, was how the
participants appear to be using television programs to connect themselves
to larger systems of belief – albeit real or imagined. While initially it would appear that most of the people interviewed
are part of the “do it yourself” style spirituality, the level of
similarity among their beliefs indicates that despite the individualized,
fragmented, pick and choose religiosity, they are picking and choosing
many of the same options. Moreover,
participants overwhelmingly indicated the importance of have some common
shared beliefs. The content
of television programs provides viewers with a sense of continuity and
connection with other like-minded people. As Nora explained the popularity
of shows with supernatural themes help to confirm the plausibility of
belief . “It shows that
I’m not just some random crazy person out there just making this stuff
up…. Other people do think like me.” Beyond this, interview data also suggests that part of the appeal
of the television programs people are choosing is the degree to which it
reinforces the plausibility of beliefs by tying those beliefs and
practices to an authorized belief system. Andrew explains that television
shows he has watched on The Learning Channel and Discover about
supernatural occurrences act as a form of proof to validate his beliefs. Claiming that “it’s really easy to believe, because you know
through personal experience through watching it on TV.” In this instance the repetition of such supernatural narratives on
television act to convey an aura of truth such claims.
In a
slightly different manner, both Michelle and Aurora Leigh assert that
their beliefs are confirmed by the fact that they have exited within
traditional belief systems. Michelle
claims that her belief in ghosts, spirits and other worldly beings are
both constituted and confirmed through watching many A&E specials
depicting “real life situations.” She argues that fact that such
legends and stories have existed for so long and in so many cultures acts
as proof that they are valid. Similarly, Aurora Leigh claims that while
see does “pick and choose what to believe” what she chooses has to be
“established” in some way. She
explains that “[t]radition to me is kind of like an affirmation. This is
what people have done it for hundreds and hundreds of years.” Both
Michelle and Aurora Leigh cite television as playing a key role in how the
construct their spiritual worldviews. However, it is not that they simply believe everything they see TV,
rather it is the consistency and continuity with other traditions of
belief that renders their own self-styled spirituality plausible and
meaningful.
Kelly,
Andrew and Simon, viewers of The Oprah Winfrey Show both admire Oprah and
her former frequent guest star Dr. Phil, seeing them as voices of
spiritual and moral authority. Along
with other interview participants they see both of these television
personalities as offering “fundamental truth” and “spiritual
wisdom.” Both enjoy
watching the Oprah Winfrey show because they feel that it offers a
positive vision of the future, as well as, provides them with practical
tools to improve their lives and the world around them. More that that, they both consider Oprah as a leader of a spiritual
movement, engendering transformation in the lives of viewers, inspiring
them to help other people, to work for change, healing and reinforcing
positive values in the world. Kelly
asserts that “I think Oprah is a spiritual leader”…both because
“she enacts change on a global level [through her charity and advocacy
work]” and because she teaches millions of viewers about “the
importance of belief,” “of trusting ones intuition” and “following
ones spiritual life path.” From
this perspective, it is not simply that Oprah is telling people about her
spirituality, rather she is developing a community of belief and action. Such beliefs connect once again to Hervieu-Léger’s theory of
memory, as we can see how viewers are perceiving themselves as part of a
wider spiritual community and linking this belief with an imagined future.
Within
the content of television programs, I suggest that participants are
tapping into preexisting notions of the sacred, religion, morality and
meaning. The television shows
and beliefs that they are choose resonate both personally and culturally
with their notions of what constitutes religion – belief in God, the
supernatural and life after death; a sense of divine purpose, fate and
destiny; and a golden rule style sense of morality. I suggest that part of the reason they choose to watch the
television shows that they do is because they appeal to a sense of memory
and tradition – albeit fragmented. For these viewers, television functions as what Leonard
Primiano’s terms an
electronic tradition bearer. In
his article “Oprah, Phil, Geraldo, Barbara and Things that Go Bump in
the Night” (2001: 47-63). Primiano
argues that depictions of the supernatural on television programs offer
ways through which viewers negotiate and explore aspects of vernacular
religion of America. Borrowing from the work
of folklorist Linda Dégh, Primino suggests that television plays a key
role in creating and transmitting non-official folk religion. He
claims that “These shows [such as television talk shows, newsmagazine
shows, situation comedies and dramas] exemplify... a religiosity brimming
with interpretation and negotiation of ultimate questions of the
supernatural, of alternative belief systems, and of creative expressions
of belief and practice” (Primiano: 48-9). From this perspective television helps to reinforce and perpetuate
cultural scripts about religion. The data offered by the interview
participants appear to confirm Primiano’s theory. Using TV as a resource for all types of meaning, including
spiritual ones, the participants engage with the messages and content of
television programs. For the
participants, television offers a hierophany of meanings, symbols and
beliefs. From this medium
they learn about various traditions, have their own beliefs challenged and
reinforced and are offered frameworks for asking ultimate questions and
creating spiritual worldviews.
The
participants in these interviews, I suggest, are using televisions
depictions of religion and spirituality as a medium to construct a
specific mode of belief and tradition. The concerns with mystery, meaning
and morality are all integral parts of how participants construct their
spiritual lives. Although
there is some variety in their beliefs the underlying themes and
convictions of participants are quite consistent. These spiritual seekers maintain a system of belief imbedded with
faith in God and other supernatural entities and faith in some sort of
life after death. Such beliefs, further propel them to see life as being guided
by some sort of divine plan, fate or destiny. Furthermore, their sense of ultimate meaning tend to be connected
with the concepts of morality. The
morality that they construct includes such themes as honesty, integrity,
helping others and having a positive impact on the world. While the spirituality presented by interview participants are not
tied to any specific organized religious system, they do seek continuity
and affirmation through constructing new traditions out of preexisting
myths, beliefs and practices. Beyond
this, they are seeking ways to establish the plausibility of their beliefs
through connecting them both with the ideas and people presented on
television, and with the community of others viewers. In short, the spiritual ideas that come into contact with through
television connect participants to belief, tradition and community. While the links in the chain of memory are still quite tenuous at the
moment, it does appear to me to warrant further investigation and analysis
as I pursue my research into the relationship between non-institutional
religiosity and television.
Bibliography
Bibby,
Reginald W. 1987. Fragmented Gods: The Poverty and Potential of Religious Growth
in Canada. Toronto:
Irwin.
————————. 1993. Unknown Gods: The
Ongoing Story of Religion in Canada. Toronto:
Stoddard.
————————. 2002. Restless
Gods: The Renaissance of Religion in Canada. Toronto:
Stoddart.
Primiano,
Leonard. (2001). “Oprah, Phil, Geraldo, Barbara and Things that Go Bump
in the Night:
Negotiating the Supernatural on Television.” In M. Mazur and K. McCarthy (eds.) God in the Details: American
Religion in Popular Culture. New
York and London: Routledge. Pp. 47 – 64.
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